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KURDISTAN NEWSLINE

March 04, 2003

PUK-KDP Consolidate Their Alliance:

A Joint Statement

Hawler, March 2-- A series of meetings have been held between the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) taking into consideration the delicate circumstances that our country faces and in preparation for any potential event requiring the unification of our ranks and resources. The two leaderships of the PUK and KDP decided to form a Joint Higher Leadership to lead the struggle in the political, military and administrative fields, as well as conducting national and international relations.

The Joint Higher Leadership (JHL) will be co-chaired by Masoud Barzani, President of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, and Jalal Talabani, Secretary General of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. The JHL will also include members of the political bureaus of the two parties. This Leadership will work in close cooperation and coordination with all parties and groups in Iraqi Kurdistan.

The unity of the Iraqi Kurdistan forces, under the JHL, will consolidate and strengthen the unity of the Iraqi opposition forces that aspire to end dictatorship and establish a democratic, pluralistic federal system in Iraq.

Kurdistan Democratic Party Patriotic Union of Kurdistan

White House Press Office
March 1, 200

STATEMENT BY THE PRESS SECRETARY


The United States believes the just-concluded meeting of the Iraqi opposition Advisory Committee in Salahudeen, Northern Iraq was a welcome opportunity for many courageous Iraqis to continue planning for a future democratic Iraq.

The U.S. delegation--headed by Presidential Special Envoy for Free Iraqis Zalmay Khalilzad--reaffirmed America's commitment to a democratic, representative, broad-based future Iraqi government that respects the principles of
justice, the rule of law, and the human rights of Iraq's people; maintains Iraq's territorial integrity; is at peace with Iraq's neighbors; forswears weapons of mass destruction; fights terrorism; and fulfills its international obligations.

The United States is committed to working in partnership with the people of Iraq to bring this vision to life. We will continue this work in the days ahead, both with those represented at Salahudeen as well as others from throughout
the broad community of free Iraqis, and with those Iraqis who have yet to be freed.

Iraq's people are ready to begin the challenging road toward democracy.

We salute the brave members of the Iraqi opposition and all Iraqis now suffering in silent captivity. Many freedom-loving nations throughout the world look forward with them to the day of their liberation.

Iraqi Opposition Final Statement:

Meeting of the Coordination and Follow-Up Committee held in Salahaddin, 26 February – 1 March, 2003

As Iraq faces a critical stage in its history, the Coordination and Follow-Up Committee that was elected at the London Iraqi Opposition Conference between 13-16 Dec. 2002, held its first meeting with the participation of 54 members, in the liberated territory of Iraq, in the city of Salahaddin in heroic Kurdistan, between 24-28 February 2003.

After a series of frank and comprehensive discussions over a period of three days, which preceded the official meeting, the meeting was opened with a recital of a verse from the Holy Quran and a minute’s silence in memory of our martyrs and in solidarity with our people in prison, detention, and exile.

After listening to a speech by the host, Mr. Masoud Barzani, President of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), the meeting listened to a message from his eminence Mohammad Bakir al-Hakim, President of SCIRI, and speeches by a number of leaders of the Iraqi Opposition and quests. With a quorum of 54 members the meeting held seven closed sessions during which a steering committee was elected and the rules of order of the meetings, the agenda, election of Mr. Jalal Talabani as a chair for the meetings, and the structures required to face conditions both inside and outside the country were established, in pursuit of the establishment of an alternative democratic government.

The meeting evaluated the political and international situation and the possibilities of a military conflict, which the allied forces plan to launch under the leadership of the US.

The meeting puts the responsibility on the Iraqi regime for endangering the security of the country as a result of its repressive policies, violation of human rights and rights of various groups, non-compliance with relevant UN Security Council resolutions, aggression against neighboring countries and its refusal to get rid of its Weapons of Mass
Destruction.

The meeting calls upon the US and the international community to distinguish between Saddam Hussein’s regime and the Iraqi people and between Weapons of Mass Destruction and the infrastructure of Iraq.

The meeting reconfirmed that, in the aftermath of the overthrow of the Saddam Hussein regime, power should be transferred to the Iraqi people and their true representatives as soon as possible. It looks forward to Iraq enjoying balanced relations with other countries, on the basis of mutual relations and cooperation and without occupation.
The meeting took note of news reports that thousands of Turkish troops are planning to enter Iraqi Kurdistan unilaterally, and hopes this is not the case. While we appreciate the undertaking of the international coalition to enforce the relevant UNSC Resolutions and its support of the Iraqi people in overthrowing the dictatorial regime and establishing democratic rule in Iraq, we reject Turkish military intervention, or the intervention of any other regional power, in Iraqi internal affairs.

At the same time, the meeting extends the hand of friendship and cooperation to the republic of Turkey and reassures her that our Kurdish brothers and all members of the Iraqi opposition reject the division of Iraq. The meeting asserts its belief in one unified country. It takes seriously Turkey’s legitimate security concerns and it is willing to establish optimum neighborly relations with Turkey. We, the members of the Iraqi opposition, call upon the government of Turkey for open, frank and direct dialogue, with the participation of the US, and reaffirm our commitment to establishing a unified Iraq and reinforcing Iraq’s national unity on the basis of democratic, parliamentary, federal and equal citizenship to all Iraqis, be they Arabs, Kurds, Turkomens, Assyrians, or Chaldeans.

The Iraqi people would have the first and last word in deciding and managing the affairs of their country. Iraq is a country with multiple Arab and Muslim dimensions of identity.

It is a land with many holy sites and shines that have been subjected by Saddam Hussein to the worst kinds of violation of all that us sacred and holy. The Saddam Hussein regime has forced millions of its sons into exile. Hundreds of thousands of its citizens have been killed and wounded in internal wars that have touched every part of the land.

The opposition is a partner in the liberation of Iraq and in building of a new democratic Iraq. The Iraqi opposition will contribute to the restoration of stability and to the prevention of potential anarchy and chaos. The opposition will enlist the assistance of the Iraqi army and people, including religious and tribal personalities, to enhance law and
order, social peace and toleration among all sections of society. The Iraqi opposition ultimately wishes to rehabilitate all militia organizations, including those forces operating under the command of the leadership council of the Iraqi opposition, and reintegrate them into a future Iraqi national army and to end the state of society’s militarization by
returning the army to its barracks, dismantling all Iraq’s repressive institutions and ending those currents of thought in Iraq that gave rise to tyranny. The Iraqi opposition wishes to return to a life of constitutionalism and to reengage with regional, international, and Arab countries in relations of mutual interest and good-neighborliness. A democratic
Iraq based on the rule of law, characterized by internal peace, is the best guarantee for the spread of peace and stability with other countries and the international community.

Considering all of the above, and implementing the decisions of the London conference, in particular the two documents – the Political Statement and the Transitional Period – on 13-16 Dec 2002, the meeting has elected a leadership council of the Iraqi opposition along with the following 14 specialized committees: 1) Operational, 2) Media, 3) Reconstruction and Development, 4) Foreign Relations, 5) National Outreach, 6) Social, 7) Economic, 8) UN Resolutions Follow-Up, 9) Displaced and Deportees, 10) Finance, 11) Legal and Constitutional, 12) Human Rights, 13) Relief and 14) Education and Higher Education.

This is in order to prepare for liberation and to prevent the emergence of a political, administrative and security vacuum. It is also to guarantee the best possible representation for the Iraqi people in the international arena and with friendly states who wish to cooperate with them. The meeting emphasized the importance of cooperation with the widest possible forces of our people to reach the goal of change, face all possible eventualities and to prepare for the transitional period, which will begin immediately after the collapse of Saddam’s tyrant regime.

Within this framework, the meeting decided to continue dialogue with forces that did not participate in this meeting, or the London conference of the Iraqi opposition, and we call upon them to join this patriotic process. We call upon all people with expertise and specialist skills inside Iraq and in exile to be engaged in this work, to assist in building a
future Iraq, to be in contact with the administration and the existing infrastructure in the country and to carry out the necessary tasks during the transitional period. Furthermore, the effects of Saddam’s brutal policies must be eradicated to pave the way to transition to a parliamentary system and constitutional traditions in a united, democratic, pluralistic,
and federal Iraq that respects Islamic values and religious freedoms and practices.

The experiment in Kurdistan and all its progress of the last 11 years, is the best proof of what the Iraqis can achieve. The delegates of the meeting noticed the great achievements in all fields of development – political, democratic, providing security and stability, national reconciliation and transparency – in spite of the difficult and complicated
circumstances and the pressures and destruction the area faces that remained after the Iraqi regime left the region in 1991. It must also be taken into account that this area came under two economic embargos, not just one. The delegates enjoyed the hospitality of the Kurdish leadership, especially the Kurdistan Democratic Party under the leadership of Masoud Barzani, and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan under the leadership of Jalal Talabani.

The delegates discussed Iraq’s ties with its neighbors and they also expressed appreciation for the positive historical role of both the Syrian Arab Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Those two countries were the first who welcomed the Iraqi opposition and refugees and they carried a large burden as a result of this. The meeting also expressed appreciation for the role played by two neighboring countries, Kuwait and Turkey, in this regard. The meeting sent its greetings to all people, organizations and friendly states in the world. In particular, it sends its greetings to the Ambassador-at-Large for Free Iraqis, Dr. Zalmay Khalilzad, and the accompanying delegates for coming to Iraq, in spite of difficulties, to meet the delegates and members of the Follow-Up and Coordination
Committee on behalf of the American President, George W. Bush, in order to convey the US administration’s messages and opinions. Dr. Khalilzad’s important address to the opening session included a confirmation of statements made by the President that the United States does not intend to change one dictator for another, that it supports a democratic regime in Iraq as was mentioned in the President’s September speech, that the US has no desire to govern Iraq and that the Iraqis should choose who will govern them.

These policies were received by the delegates with great appreciation for the President of the United States.

The meeting also sent a special message to other Arab states urging them to support the Iraqi people, who have many strong ties with Arab countries, in their endeavor. It also demanded from those who are still trying to save the Iraqi regime to give up their shortsighted policies.

The meeting also supports all those who have tried to pressurize Saddam Hussein to give up power in order to guarantee a peaceful transition that will end the brutal regime and all its polices. We ask them to continue these efforts to stop war and to stop this terrible saga of Iraq’s history.

The meeting also discussed the humanitarian issue and put forward views for emergency relief and development. It emphasized that for the Iraqi economy to recover and its massive potential growth to develop in such a way as to support the democratic process in the future, Iraq requires massive financial resources that can only come from the
production of Iraqi oil through a guaranteed fair share of the international market. It also requires the readiness of regional and international communities to provide humanitarian aid and endeavor to solve the issue of dept, compensation and the freeing up of Iraqi assets abroad.

At the end of this historic meeting, the delegates salute the steadfast freedom fighters, our martyrs and their families and we hail the political prisoners, detainees and the exiled, displaced and disappeared people. The meeting also calls upon the people of Iraq who continue to be under the reign of repression and destitution to prepare for liberation day.

The delegates also salute our people in exile and call on them to increase their activities and mobilize and unify their efforts so that we all have one unified vision for the future of Iraq.

The meeting also sends a call to all citizens that are conscripted in the party organization and the many other party institutions: The coming order will be about tolerance, forgiveness and reconciliation. It will end all forms of ethnic and religious discrimination and eradicate all repressive laws and all forms of behavior that are above the law.

A future Iraq will be for all: Arabs, Kurds, Turkomens, Assyrians, Chaldeans and other ethnic minorities, Muslims and Christians, Shi’a and Sunni and all other cultural diversities. Iraq will not be for one individual or one party or a single ethnic minority group to the exclusion of the rest of the Iraqi people.

OPINION NOTEBOOK

Turkish-Iraqi relations:

A strategic gain or a new zone of conflict?

One of the most important potential gains from the liberation of Iraq could be a new and constructive relationship between Iraq, and especially the Iraqi Kurds, and Turkey. To do this, we must avoid creating the conditions for future conflict. We must ensure that the grand coalition being constructed by the United States is not torn asunder by hasty decisions. The Iraqi Kurds are grateful for the protection that Turkey, the United States and Britain have given them since April 1991. Let us build on these solid foundations.

The Turkish-Iraqi Kurdish relationship can proceed in one of two directions. One way is co-operation; this would ensure border security as well as Turkish commercial and political interests in a united, federal, democratic Iraq. Cooperation would help Turkey become an energy transport hub, with increased volumes of Iraqi oil and gas flowing with oil and gas from the Caspian. The Turkey-Iraq border would be crossed by trade, not traffickers in migrants, smugglers or terrorists.

Alternatively, if Turkish forces enter Iraqi Kurdistan under cover of the United States-lead liberation of Iraq, then there could be unrelenting conflict. Prime minister Abdullah Gul has made it clear that Turkish troops will not enter Iraq to free the country from the Ba'athist dictatorship but to secure Turkish interests. As to how long he wishes Turkish troops to remain, it is unclear. However, it should be recalled that Turkish troops are still in Cyprus 29 years after they first entered the island.

Decisions to be made in the coming days will determine which path is taken. The Iraqi Kurds are deeply troubled by the difficulties that have arisen in Turkish-United States relations—we need our friends to be in harmony. Indeed, Jalal Talabani publicly criticized NATO for failing to defend Turkey. There is also an unfortunate perception in Kurdish public opinion that the United States will go to any lengths to secure Turkish support, irrespective of the consequences.

The key issues are: what are the consequences if this issue is not resolved? What does Turkey want? What can the Iraqi Kurds do to address these concerns? What should the United States do?

The consequences of failure, of Turkish-Iraqi Kurdish conflict are:

  • Iraqi Kurdistan and surrounding areas become a zone of violence. Martial law might be reimposed in southeastern Turkey, derailing Turkey's political and economic reform program and causing considerable damage to Turkish-EU relations. It is worth recalling the significant diplomatic investment which the United States has put into supporting Turkey's bid for EU membership.
  • The United States would be blamed for any such conflict and suffer significant diplomatic cost. Colin Powell said recently that the US sacrifices its troops and never asks for more than the land to bury them in. The perception that a US ally used a war of liberation for a selfish land grab, would be disastrous.
  • An international outcry at the Turkish entry into Iraqi Kurdistan. The United States would be forced to ask Turkey to leave and might have to use its financial leverage over Turkey to force Turkish troops to be withdrawn—which would humiliate Turkey and damage US-Turkey relations.
  • Pressure in the United States and the EU for funding for Turkey to be suspended. The Turkish economy is dependent on foreign assistance, particularly IMF money. Without multilateral/bilateral funding, Turkey would almost certainly default on its external debt.
  • Irresistible calls in the United States and EU for an arms embargo on Turkey, similar to that imposed after the 1974 intervention in Cyprus.
  • US influence in NATO would be damaged. Those who objected to sending NATO assets to defend Turkey, would be vindicated.
  • Embolden the anti-Turkish lobby in the EU, to the detriment of the United Kingdom. Turkey's EU prospects would be derailed. Ankara has already damaged relations with London by barring the transit of British troops into northern Iraq.
  • Iranian hardliners would be emboldened, both to interfere in southern Iraq and western Afghanistan. Syria would be similarly encouraged.

What does Turkey want? The answer is not clear. The following have been mentioned by Turkish officials:

  • A non-Kurdish security force in Mosul and Kirkuk
  • Turkish forces in Mosul and Kirkuk
  • Turkish forces along a border strip of varying breadth
  • Minority rights for the Turkomen in northern Iraq
  • A Turkomen statelet in northern Iraq
  • A secure border
  • Turkish supervised disarmament of the peshmerga
  • No independent Kurdish state in northern Iraq
  • No Kurdish federal unit in a federal Iraq
  • A share of Kirkuk oil
  • The annexation of the former vilayet of Mosul to Turkey

Turkish statements are sometimes inconsistent, often needlessly aggressive. Zalmay Khalilzad, the US envoy to Free Iraqis, has made great and genuine efforts to reassure Iraqi democrats, Kurds, Arabs, Turkomen and Assyrians alike, that Turkey does not harbor ill intentions. Yet each one of his reassurances has been undercut by unhelpful rhetoric from Turkey, statements that seem designed to stoke tensions. The Iraqi opposition is united in its opposition to the presence of Turkish troops in Iraqi Kurdistan—when it comes to the preservation of the Iraqi homeland, Iraqi democrats have no differences.

The time has come to end this impasse and to move forward. The Iraqi Kurds are willing to work with Turkey to secure its border and its reasonable interests. . Indeed, it is since the Turkey-Iraq border came under the control of the Iraqi Kurds that Turkey has become more secure and cross border attacks have ended. The Iraqi Kurds categorically reject terrorism and call on oppressed peoples in the Middle East to pursue their rights with dignity and courage, not with suicide bombs or attacks on civilians.

To allay mutual suspicions, whether about Kurdish independence or Turkish territorial claims, there must be mutual restraint and a structured relationship. It is no good assuming that everybody will behave as rationally and unselfishly. Therefore, the Iraqi Kurds are willing to:

Reaffirm, yet again, their desire for autonomy within a federal Iraq, not independence. The Iraqi Kurds have a right to self-determination—and they are determined to stay in Iraq. Just as there will always be pan-Turkists in Turkey who dream of a greater Turkish state, so there will be some Kurds who want independence. A successful federal, democratic Iraq will make nationalism redundant. Turkey should support federalism. After all, the Iraqi Kurds are asking for less in a future Iraqi than the Turkish Cypriot leadership is currently asking for in the Cyprus negotiations.

Create a joint border security program between Iraqi Kurdish forces and Turkish forces under a United States and British supervision.

Not send troops into Mosul or Kirkuk on condition that these cities are occupied by allied and preferably British troops. The British have an excellent record of peacekeeping. Britain is a close Turkish ally, its strongest supporter in the EU.

Call for the appointment of a neutral commissioner, such as from a Scandinavian country, to oversee the administration of these cities.

Continue to respect the rights of the Iraqi Turkomen and other minorities. The treatment of minorities in Iraqi Kurdistan is far better than the treatment of minorities in Iraq’s neighbors. The Iraqi Kurds have repeatedly pointed out that most Turkomen live in territory held by Saddam and are being ethnically cleansed. There has been silence from Ankara about Saddam's assault on the Turkomen. Those Turkmen groups that are not on the Turkish government payroll oppose a Turkish intervention—their views must be listened to in Turkey.

Ensure the commercial opportunities of a liberated Iraq are open to Turkish firms in all fields, including oil and gas, transportation and construction.

The United States should seize this opportunity to:

Encourage the strong pragmatic strand in Turkish policy towards the Iraqi Kurds.

Discourage unhelpful and aggressive rhetoric

Call for Turkey to commit itself publicly to the territorial integrity of Iraq. The Iraqi Kurds go out of their way to affirm their commitment to the unity of Iraq. It is only fair that Turkey do likewise and confirm its respect for the treaties that ended the First World War and created Iraq.

Explain to Turkey that its fears about a federal Iraq are exaggerated and mistaken. The clock cannot be turned back in Iraqi Kurdistan. Turkey should accept democratic change in Iraq and derive political benefits from the investment that has been put into building democracy in Iraqi Kurdistan. Dr. Barham Salih has repeatedly said that Turkey's secular democracy is a model for the Iraqi Kurds.

Remind Turkey that its security is ultimately guaranteed by NATO and the United States.

The free world is about to write a glorious page of history. Now is not the time to indulge in reckless actions and unwanted interventions. Now is the time for us to build on our pragmatism and shared experience fighting terrorism, to join together to create a better, democratic Middle East.