The Kurdish flag is flown
widely in Iraqi Kurdistan
|
Flying into the capital of Iraqi
Kurdistan, Irbil and its glitteringly new
international airport, it is difficult to
believe you are entering Iraq.
"Welcome to Kurdistan," the signs say.
There are no Iraqi flags, only Kurdish
flags, flying throughout this self-governing
region.
The safety and apparent prosperity also
makes Kurdistan feel a long way from the
rest of Iraq.
Irbil looks like a boom town. Cranes and
new multi-storey buildings litter the
skyline.
There are shopping malls, luxurious gated
communities, conference centres and
grandiose headquarters for the factions who
once fought Saddam and now rule Kurdistan -
the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK).
The Regional Government is selling
Kurdistan as flourishing, progressive and
democratic.
"Bite of the pie"
But beneath the façade, ordinary Kurds
are struggling to survive, while state money
gets siphoned off into private pockets.
Inflation adds to the
economic problems of
ordinary Iraqi Kurds
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The state also punishes those who stand
out of line. An unpublished report by the
United Nations, which we were given access
to, said thousands of people are detained
each month in Kurdistan, mostly for
political crimes.
Most are held without trial or access to
lawyers.
Businessmen were generally too frightened
to speak openly about the corruption they
encountered. But Saman Jaff, a former
peshmerga - a guerrilla who fought the
Saddam regime from the mountains - did agree
to an interview.
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Corruption is like a
virus. It is killing
Kurdistan.
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"If you are a relative of one of the
political leaders," he said, "you may be
given a government job with a budget or a
contract worth, for example $2m or $3m to
rebuild a road."
He said it was immaterial whether the
relative could actually build a road. The
contract would be sold on, repeatedly, until
it reached a real construction company. By
that time, there might only be half of the
money left.
"Corruption is like a virus," he said.
"It is killing Kurdistan."
A whistleblower within the Ministry of
Planning confirmed that public works were
not tendered in a transparent, bidding
process.
"Ministers or officials try to give
contracts to their own company or their
friends' companies," said a senior civil
servant, "to gain a bite of the pie."
Beneath the façade
Meanwhile, ordinary Kurds are struggling
to get by. People described rampant
inflation, high unemployment and erratic
water and electricity supplies.
In Sulaimaniya, Iraqi Kurdistan's second
city, people said they got running water for
four hours every three days and electricity
for three-to-four hours a day.
Contaminated water supplies have led to
cholera outbreaks.
"Too many times, we have asked the
government to help us,"said one woman who
had lost her father-in-law and a baby to
cholera said. "But it is in vain. They
promise and do nothing."
She described the fear of living through
an outbreak last September, knowing her
water supply was contaminated, but not
having the electricity to boil the water.
"When I think of the budget and the
millions and see my situation," she said, "I
feel like I am dead."
Kurdistan's budget is large - more than
$6bn last year - the region's share of
Iraq's oil revenues. But there is a growing
gap between ordinary Kurds and the political
elite.
"I see some of the officials who, 20
years ago, were with us in the mountains,"
said Ari Harsin, another former peshmerga,
who is now the Irbil bureau editor of the
independent Awene newspaper.
"They used to be purists, partisans. Now
they are driving land cruisers with dark
windows and a lot of body guards. They see
how ordinary people are living. They have no
shame."
One of the up-and-coming Kurdish
politicians, Qubad Talabani, accepts there
are problems with corruption and that reform
is needed. But he believes Iraqi Kurdistan
is still, "a glimmer of hope in a very
radical Middle East".
He said Kurdish politics were generally
secular and the economy was moving towards a
free market, "We are not a democracy, but we
are democratising."
Nepotism
But Qubad also seems to represent some of
the problems in Kurdistan.
He is certainly smart and
speaks eloquently, but he is only 30 years
old and has been the Kurdish representative
in Washington since he was 22.
His father is the President of Iraq and
the leader of one of the two main Kurdish
parties, the PUK. His brother is the head of
one of the security services.
The other major family, the Barzanis,
leaders of the KDP faction, fill the posts
of Kurdish president, prime minister and
head of the other main security service.
"Obviously I can see how it could be
perceived as nepotism," said Qubad.
But he said both families had sacrificed
much during the struggle.
"I do not think we should be inhibited
because we are related to a leader, but it
is important for there to be an inclusive
environment."
All the interviewees stressed that it was
impossible to compare problems in today's
Kurdistan with the Saddam era, when villages
were razed and tens of thousands of people
were gassed and massacred.
Even so, for many, there is a fear that
the dream of a free and democratic Kurdistan
is slipping away.
Sometimes, says the journalist, Ari
Harsin, Kurdistan seems like a mafia state.
"There is no transparency. They are
dividing the budget of the Kurdish Regional
Government between the PUK and the KDP, 52%
for the KDP. 48% for the PUK. It is a very
strange model of democracy."
Crossing Continents on BBC Radio 4
reports from Kurdistan on Thursday, January
10 at 1100 GMT.